It’s easy to forget that Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s assault on vaccines—including, most recently, his gutting of the expert committee that guides American vaccine policy—might have been avoided. Four months ago, his nomination for health secretary was in serious jeopardy. The deciding vote seemed to be in the hands of one Republican senator: Bill Cassidy of Louisiana. A physician who gained prominence by vaccinating low-income kids in his home state, Cassidy was wary of the longtime vaccine conspiracist. “I have been struggling with your nomination,” he told Kennedy during his confirmation hearings in January.
Then Cassidy caved.
In the speech he gave on the Senate floor explaining his decision, Cassidy said that he’d vote to confirm Kennedy only because he had extracted a number of concessions from the nominee—chief among them that he would preserve, “without changes,” the very CDC committee Kennedy overhauled this week. Since then, Cassidy has continued to give Kennedy the benefit of the doubt. On Monday, after Kennedy dismissed all 17 members of the vaccine advisory committee, Cassidy posted on X that he was working with Kennedy to prevent the open roles from being filled with “people who know nothing about vaccines except suspicion.”
[Read: The doctor who let RFK Jr. through]
The senator has failed, undeniably and spectacularly. One new appointee, Robert Malone, has repeatedly spread misinformation (or what he prefers to call “scientific dissent”) about vaccines. Another appointee, Vicky Pebsworth, is on the board of an anti-vax nonprofit, the National Vaccine Information Center. Cassidy may keep insisting that he is doing all he can to stand up for vaccines. But he already had his big chance to do so, and he blew it. Now, with the rest of America, he’s watching the nation’s vaccine future take a nosedive.
So far, the senator hasn’t appeared interested in any kind of mea culpa for his faith in Kennedy’s promises. On Thursday, I caught Cassidy as he hurried out of a congressional hearing room. He was still reviewing the appointees, he told me and several other reporters who gathered around him. When I chased after him down the hallway to ask more questions, he told me, “I’ll be putting out statements, and I’ll let those statements stand for themselves.” A member of his staff dismissed me with a curt “Thank you, sir.” Cassidy’s staff has declined repeated requests for an interview with the senator since the confirmation vote in January.
With the exception of Mitch McConnell, every GOP senator voted to confirm Kennedy. They all have to own the health secretary’s actions. But Cassidy seemed to be the Republican most concerned about Kennedy’s nomination, and there was a good reason to think that the doctor would vote his conscience. In 2021, Cassidy was one of seven Senate Republicans who voted to convict Donald Trump on an impeachment charge after the insurrection at the Capitol. But this time, the senator—who is up for reelection next year, facing a more MAGA-friendly challenger—ultimately fell in line.
Cassidy tried to have it both ways: elevating Kennedy to his job while also vowing to constrain him. In casting his confirmation vote, Cassidy implied that the two would be in close communication, and that Kennedy had asked for his input on hiring decisions. The two reportedly had breakfast in March to discuss the health secretary’s plan to dramatically reshape the department. “Senator Cassidy speaks regularly with secretary Kennedy and believes those conversations are much more productive when they’re held in private, not through press headlines,” a spokesperson for Cassidy wrote in an email. (A spokesperson for HHS did not immediately respond to a request for comment.)
At times, it has appeared as though Cassidy’s approach has had some effect on the health secretary. Amid the measles outbreak in Texas earlier this year, Kennedy baselessly questioned the safety of the MMR vaccine. In April, after two unvaccinated children died, Cassidy posted on X: “Everyone should be vaccinated! There is no treatment for measles. No benefit to getting measles. Top health officials should say so unequivocally b/4 another child dies.” Cassidy didn’t call out Kennedy by name, but the health secretary appeared to get the message. Later that day, Kennedy posted that the measles vaccine was the most effective way to stave off illness. (“Completely agree,” Cassidy responded.)
All things considered, that’s a small victory. Despite Kennedy’s claims that he is not an anti-vaxxer, he has enacted a plainly anti-vaccine agenda. Since being confirmed, he has pushed out the FDA’s top vaccine regulator, hired a fellow vaccine skeptic to investigate the purported link between autism and shots, and questioned the safety of childhood vaccinations currently recommended by the CDC. As my colleague Katherine J. Wu wrote this week, “Whether he will admit to it or not, he is serving the most core goal of the anti-vaccine movement—eroding access to, and trust in, immunization.”
[Read: RFK Jr. is barely even pretending anymore]
The reality is that back channels can be only so effective. Cassidy’s main power is to call Kennedy before the Senate health committee, which he chairs, and demand an explanation for Kennedy’s new appointees to the CDC’s vaccine-advisory committee. Cassidy might very well do that. In February, he said that Kennedy would “come before the committee on a quarterly basis, if requested.” Kennedy did appear before Cassidy’s committee last month to answer questions about his efforts to institute mass layoffs at his agency. Some Republicans (and many Democrats) pressed the secretary on those efforts, while others praised them. Cassidy, for his part, expressed concerns about Kennedy’s indiscriminate cutting of research programs, but still, he was largely deferential. “I agree with Secretary Kennedy that HHS needs reform,” Cassidy said.
Even if he had disagreed, an angry exchange between a health secretary and a Senate committee doesn’t guarantee any policy changes. Lawmakers may try to act like government bureaucrats report to them, but they have limited power once a nominee is already in their job. Technically, lawmakers can impeach Cabinet members, but in American history, a sitting Cabinet member has never been impeached and subsequently removed from office. The long and arduous confirmation process is supposed to be the bulwark against potentially dangerous nominees being put in positions of power. Cassidy and most of his Republican colleagues have already decided not to stop Kennedy from overseeing the largest department in the federal government by budget. Now Kennedy is free to do whatever he wants—senators be damned.
